I said before

I said before that when it comes to extrapolating hair colour percentages from one country to its neighbour, it makes the most parsimonious sense when it comes to geographic and possibly genetic proximity (history of intermarriage and immigration, don’t be surprised if a Slovene community exists in Italy as it’s right next to it).

Logically, with Belgium being right between France and The Netherlands that the percentage of blonds to brunettes and in-between would be similar to its neighbours to a degree. But that also opens a can of worms where the hair colour percentage of Ukraine and Russia’s similar to Poland.

The number of blonds and mousy blonds in Austria’s similar to Slovakia and Northern Italy, so on and so forth.

The spirit and origin of Christian monasticism

The spirit and origin of Christian monasticism

Cassian l notes about vainglory that it is a more
insidious fault than any of those of which he treated
previously. Other faults weaken after defeat. Each
fresh assault they make is feebler than the last.
Vainglory grows stronger and stronger the oftener
it is resisted, since every fresh victory over it gives
fresh occasion for receiving the praise of men. Vain
glory finds a vantage ground for attack even in a
monk s virtues. His fasts, his prayers, his patience,
even his humility may be the cause of vainglory to
him. ” Our elders admirably describe the nature of
this malady as like that of an onion, and of those
bulbs which when stripped of one covering you find
to be sheathed in another, and as often as you strip
them you find them still protected.” 2

To men who were struggling against the insidious
attacks of this sin, anything like boasting seemed
particularly odious. Once 3 in one of their settle
ments the monks were holding a festival, and were
eating together in the church. One of them refused
to eat with the others, saying to the minister, ” I
have never eaten anything cooked.” Theodore arose
and said to him, ” It were better for you to-day to be
eating flesh in your cell, than that such a speech as
yours should be heard among the brethren.”

1 In st. t xi. 2. 2 Ibid., 5. 3 Ruf., iii. 54.

LIFE OF THE EGYPTIAN MONKS 159

Very like the ” ama nesciri ” of the Imitation of
Christ is this word of the Abbot Mathoen, 1 which he
spoke to one of his disciples. ” If you dwell long in
any place, do not desire to make a name for yourself
by being singular in any practice. Do not say, I will
not go to the assembly of the brethren or I will not
eat this or that, for by such things as these you make
for yourself a name.” Sometimes the methods which
the monks adopted for avoiding the temptation of
vainglory seem to us forced and perhaps affected.
A story is told of a certain Sisois 2 that he was
warned to expect a visit from a judge who happened
to be in the neighbourhood of his cell. The monk
clad himself in a linen garment, and taking some
bread and cheese, sat eating it at the door of his cell.
The judge, who no doubt expected to see an emaci
ated recluse rapt in spiritual contemplation, was
full of contempt for him. ” Is this,” he said, ” the
anchorite of whom we hear so much ? ” So despising
him, he departed, and Sisois was saved from the
temptation of vainglory. The Abbot Nestorus 3 was
one day walking in the desert and met a serpent.
He fled from it. One of his disciples was surprised
at his flight, and asked him, ” Do you fear it, my
father ? ” To whom the old man said, ” I fear it not,
my son, yet if I had not fled from the serpent, I
should not have avoided vainglory.”

1 Vit. Pair., v. 8, II.

2 Verb. Sen., vii. II, 8. 3 Ibid., 3.

160 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

Closely connected with the dread of ostentation
was the shrinking which the monks felt from ordina
tion. ” A monk ought by all means to fly from
bishops and women ” was a proverb l current in the
desert of Egypt. We read of a certain monk who
so far yielded to the desire of praise that he used to
play in his cell at being a priest and celebrating the
Eucharist. 2 He was playfully rebuked by one of the
brethren who once overheard the performance. He
stood at the door of the cell until it was finished and
then knocked. The monk came out to him and
asked nervously how long he had been there. ” I
only arrived,” replied the listener, “while you were
giving the blessing to the catechumens.”

Pride is the last and deadliest of all the catalogue
of sins. Each other sin has its own special demon.
The demon of pride is Satan himself. God Himself
is the enemy of pride. It is never said that God
resisteth the gluttonous or the covetous, but only that
God resisteth the proud.

The opposite of pride is humility, and this virtue
the fathers are never weary of praising and admiring.
Arsenius, who in the world had been a courtier, was
especially noted for his humility. Once, 3 – while he
was seated in conversation with an unlearned peasant
monk, a friend asked him, ” Father, how is it that

1 Cassian calls it ” the old maxim of the fathers that is still current “
in his Inst.) xi. 18.

2 Cass., Inst., x. 16. 3 Vit. Patr., v. 15, 7.

LIFE OF THE EGYPTIAN MONKS 161

you, who know Greek and Latin, are asking this
rustic to explain his thoughts to you ? ” Arsenius
replied, “I am indeed learned in Latin and Greek
as the world counts learning, but this peasant s
alphabet I have not yet been able to learn.” This
is one of several similar stories told of Arsenius.
Once the devil appeared to a certain brother in
the form of an angel of light. 1 ” I am the archangel
Gabriel,” he said, “and I am sent unto thee.” But
the monk answered him, ” Surely you were sent to
someone else, for I am altogether unworthy of such
a visitation.” Then immediately the devil departed
from him. So this monk was saved by his humility.
A certain brother 2 who dwelt in the wilderness
believed that he was perfect in virtue. He prayed
to God to show him what perfection he lacked. God,
willing to humble him, bid him go to a certain leader
of monks and do whatever he bid him. This abbot,
being warned beforehand by God, bid him take a
stick and herd some swine. Some men, who had
known him before, saw him feeding the swine, and
said, ” Behold, this famous solitary has gone mad.
Some devil possesses him. He is herding swine.”
But God, seeing his humility and how patiently he
bore the insults of these men, permitted him to
return to his own place.

St. Antony 3 spoke this word about humility : ” I
beheld all the snares which the devil had spread
1 Vit. Pair., Ixviii. – Ibid., lii. 3 Ibid., iii.

M

162 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

across the world, and I said with a groan, Who is
able to pass safely through them all ? Then I
heard a voice which said, The humble man. “
Another of the fathers said : l “All labour without
humility is vain. Humility is the forerunner of love.
As John was the forerunner of Jesus, drawing all
to Him, so humility draws all to love, that is, to
God, for God is love.” Again, ” Humility neither
itself grows angry, nor suffers others to grow angry.”
The highest expression of humility is found by
the monks in the virtue of discretion. This is the
most valuable of all virtues. It is, indeed, a kind
of groundwork on which all other virtues are built
up. The words in which our collect 2 describes
charity would have been applied by the Egyptian
monks to discretion. It is the bond of all virtues,
without which whosoever liveth is counted dead
before God. It may be described from the one
side as sanctified common sense, and from the other
side as spiritual discernment. It is related of the
Abbot John the Short 3 that in his youth he came
to a certain brother and said to him, ” I wish to
be free from care as the angels are, to do no work,
but to serve God without ceasing.” So saying, he
stripped himself of his clothing and departed into
the wilderness. After a week he returned to the
brother s cell and knocked at the door. The brother,

1 Verb. Sen., vii., 13, 7.

a Coll. for Quinquag. 3 Ruf., 56.

LIFE OF THE EGYPTIAN MONKS 163

before opening it, asked, ” Who are you ? ” and he
replied, ” I am John.” Then said the brother, ” Not
so ; John is an angel, and no longer dwells among
men.” But he continued knocking, and repeated,
” I am he.” For a long time the door remained
closed. At length the brother opened it and said,
“If you are a man, you must work. If you are an
angel, why do you come to my cell ? ” But John
repented, and said, ” Pardon me, my father, I have
sinned.” The following story, which has the same
motif t comes from Palestine. A brother 1 coming
to a monastic settlement saw the monks labouring.
“Why,” said he, “do you labour for the meat that
perisheth?” Then the abbot said, ” Put this stranger
into an empty cell.” When the ninth hour came
the stranger came to the door of the cell to see if
anyone was coming to call him to dinner. When
no one came, he said to the abbot, ” Do not your
monks eat to-day ? ” The abbot replied, ” Truly
we have eaten.” ” Why then,” said the stranger,
” did you not call me ? ” The abbot replied, ” You
are a spiritual man. Surely you have no need of
food. We are only carnal. We labour, and therefore
must eat. You, like Mary, have chosen the good
part. You read all day, and do not need material
food.”

These two stories explain part of what the monks
meant by discretion. It was that kind of common

1 Vit. Patr., v. 10, 59.

1 64 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

sense which was capable of appreciating the humor
ous side of affectation and exaggeration. It was
the virtue which saved the man who possessed it
from making a fool of himself over his religion. I
have already pointed out that St. Antony admired
and practised discretion. The greatest of the fathers
understood and valued it. It is closely connected
with humility, for it is only a man with over
weening pride who can unconsciously do things
that are exceedingly ridiculous.

Discretion, however, had a higher function than
this. It was more than common sense. It was
the faculty which the apostle describes 1 as ” the
discernment of spirits.” By it the monks were
saved from attempting austerities which would have
ended in the destruction of all true spirituality.
They were able to realise that Satan came to them
sometimes in the form of an angel of light. There
is a story of St. Martin of Tours 2 for which paral
lels can easily be found among the experiences of
the Egyptian fathers. One day Satan came to him
as he was seated in his cell. The fiend was sur
rounded with a purple light, clothed in a royal
robe, with a crown of gold and gems encircling his
head, his shoes also being inlaid with gold. He
presented a quiet countenance and a joyful aspect,
so that no such thought as that he was the fiend

1 I St. John iv. i.

2 Sulp. Sev., Vit. St. Mart., 24.

LIFE OF THE EGYPTIAN MONKS 165

might be entertained. The saint, dazzled by his
appearance, at first kept silence. This was broken
by the devil, who said, ” Acknowledge, oh Martin,
who it is that you behold. I am Christ. Being
just about to descend upon the earth, I wished
first to manifest myself to you.” As St. Martin
still kept silence, the devil repeated his audacious
declaration. ” Why do you hesitate to believe, when
you see? I am Christ.” Then Martin replied as
follows : ” I will not believe that Christ has come
unless He appears with that appearance and form
in which He suffered, openly displaying the marks
of His wounds upon the cross.” On hearing these
words the devil vanished.

Here it is the virtue of discretion which saved
St. Martin. So also, the Abbot John of Lycopolis 1
once, when utterly exhausted with a prolonged fast,
“discreetly” recognised, before it was too late, that
it was the devil and not God who was leading him
to destroy his bodily health. On the other hand,
Heron, 2 through lack of discretion, was ultimately
overcome by the devil, in spite of his many fasts, and
induced to fling himself down a deep well. Two
brethren, 3 who had no discretion, nearly starved
to death by undertaking a journey without pro
viding themselves with food for the way. They
expected that the Lord would provide for them.
Even when He did so in a very wonderful manner

1 Cass., Coll., i. 21. 2 Ibid., ii. 5. 3 Ibid., ii. 6.

166 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

only one of the two had sufficient sense to save his
life.

The Abbot Moses 1 reports the following speech
of St. Antony, which will show finally the estimation
in which the monks held this particular virtue. A
sort of congress of leading monks met once on St.
Antony s mountain to discuss perfection. Each gave
his opinion. Some made it to consist in zeal for
fastings and vigils. Others thought withdrawal from
the world was the essential thing, i.e. solitude and
the secrecy of the hermit s life. Others laid down
the duties of charity. When in this fashion they had
declared that by means of different virtues a more
certain approach to God might be made, and a great
deal of time had been spent in discussion, at length
St. Antony spoke. ” All these things are needful
and helpful to those who are thirsting for God and
desirous to approach Him. But countless accidents
and the experience of many people will not allow us
to make the most important gifts consist in them. For
often when men are most strict in fasting or in vigils,
and nobly withdraw into solitude and aim at depriving
themselves of their goods so completely that they do
not suffer even a day s allowance of food or a single
penny to remain to them, and when they fulfil all the
duties of kindness with the utmost devotion, yet still
we see them suddenly deceived, so that they do not
bring the work they had entered on to a suitable

1 Cass., Coll.) ii. 2, Gibson s translation.

LIFE OF THE EGYPTIAN MONKS 167

close, but brought their exalted fervour and praise
worthy life to a terrible end. Nor can any other
reason for their falling-off be discovered, except that
as they were not sufficiently instructed by their elders,
they could not obtain judgment and discretion, which,
passing by excess on either side, teaches a monk
always to walk along the royal road, and does not
suffer him to be puffed up, on the right hand, by
virtue, i.e. from excess of zeal to transgress the
bounds of moderation in foolish presumption, nor
allows him to be enamoured of slackness on the
other hand. For this is discretion, which in the
gospel is termed the eye and the light of the
bodyl because it discerns all the thoughts and actions
of men, and sees and overlooks all things which
should be done. For no one can doubt that when
the judgment of our heart goes wrong, and is over
whelmed by the night of ignorance, our thoughts
and deeds must be involved in the darkness of still
greater sins.”

To this speech of St. Antony s it may perhaps be
helpful to add the description of the virtue given by
his disciple St. Macarius the Great in a homily on
Patience and Discretion, 1 where he says that it is
the faculty whereby virtue (good) is distinguished
from evil and the various wiles of the devil, and
specious imaginations are understood in their own
nature.

1 c. 13.

168 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

With these quotations on the last and greatest
of the monastic virtues, the coping-stone of their
ideal temple of righteousness, I close this attempt
to describe their lives and aspirations. The whole
spiritual region in which they lived and moved is
strange to us. Some of their enemies we have
ceased to strive against, or recognise as sins at all.
Dejection we attribute to a disordered stomach,
accidie to natural temperament. Pride we very
often regard as a virtue. Very few have advanced
far enough in spiritual thought to require discretion.
Nevertheless, a study of how these men thought and
felt and struggled in their hunger after God and
goodness cannot altogether fail of interest for us,
and of such profit, at least, as may come from the
feeling that they, with all their strange ways and
thoughts, were earnest followers of the same Lord we
are seeking to serve.

ST. BASIL AND EASTERN MONASTICISM

But now their naked bodies scorn the cold,
And from their eyes joy looks, and laughs at pain :
The infant wonders how he came so old,
The old man how he came so young again :
Where all are rich, and yet no gold they owe ;
And all are kings, and yet no subjects know,
All full, and yet no time on food do they bestow.

GILES FLETCHER.

A spotless child sleeps on the flowering moss

Tis well for him ; but when a sinful man,

Envying such slumber, may desire to put

His guilt away, shall he return at once

To rest by lying there ? Our sires knew well

(Spite of the grave discoveries of their sons)

The fitting course for such ; dark cells, dim lamps,

A stone floor one may writhe on like a worm :

No mossy pillow blue with violets. BROWNING, Paracelsus.

Son of sorrow, doom d by fate

To a lot most desolate,

To joyless youth and childless age,

Last of thy father s lineage,

Blighted being ! whence hast thou

That lofty mien and cloudless brow ?

Ask st thou whence that cloudless brow ?

Bitter is the cup I trow ;

A cup of weary, well-spent years,

A cup of sorrows, fasts, and tears,

That cup whose virtue can impart

Such calmness to the troubled heart.

Last of his father s lineage, he

Many a night on bended knee,

In hunger many a livelong day,

Hath striven to cast his slough away :

Yea, and that long prayer is granted ;

Yea, his soul is disenchanted.

Thou by the hand of the Most High
Art sealed for immortality.

L esprit de la priere et de la solitude

Qui plane sur les monts, les torrents et les bois,

Dans ce qu aux yeux mortels la terre a de plus rude

Appela de tout temps des ames de son choix.

“Venez, enfants du ciel, orphelins de la terre !

II est encore pour vous un asile ici-bas.

Mes tresors sont caches, ma joie est un mystere ;

Le vulgaire 1 admire et ne le comprend pas.”

LAMARTINE.

CHAPTER VI
ST. BASIL AND EASTERN MONASTICISM

WHEN we understand that the ruling motive
of early monasticism was a desire to escape
the pollution of the worldly life which was becoming
the normal life of Christians, we realise that the
centre of interest in monastic history lies in the
development of its attitude towards the Church. In
Egypt there were present in the early monasteries
and lauras all the elements which would naturally
result in a schism or a series of schisms. Actual
strife, however, between the ascetics and the clergy
was averted, and owing chiefly to the peculiar
history of the Egyptian Church, the monks became
the most devoted and enthusiastic supporters of the
Alexandrian patriarch. In the East the relations
between the monks and the clergy followed what
we must conceive to have been the more natural
line of development. There are not wanting signs
that the ascetics were distrusted, and, indeed, cor
dially detested by the ordinary members of the
Church. We must not be deceived by the fact that
great Church teachers like St. Basil, Theodoret, and

171

i;2 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

Epiphanius were sincere admirers of the monastic
spirit. The rank and file of the Church thought
differently. We get glimpses of the ordinary lay
contempt for the monks here and there among the
biographies in Theodoret s Historia Religiosa, and in
several of the epistles of St. Basil. Even a judicial
assembly of bishops like that at Gangra cannot alto
gether disguise its prejudice against the monkish
life. No doubt these feelings were, to a large degree,
justified. The spirit of competition 1 in austerities
which prevailed amongst the monks, and led to the
most grotesque excesses, must always have seemed
to sensible men, what it seems to most men to-day,
ridiculous and contemptible. It was the spirit of
the Egyptian ascetics and underlay the whole system
of the Pachomian monasteries, but in Egypt it
never produced the results that it did in Syria and
Mesopotamia. We have stories 2 of forms of self-
torture, which are both disgusting and degrading.
They culminate in the extraordinary tales we read
of the great Stylite, St. Simeon. 3 The monkish
historians pit their heroes against each other. What
Moschus 4 tells us of the austerities of orthodox
monks is balanced by the tales of John of Ephesus

1 See Dom Cuthbert Butler s short but able study of Syrian monas-
ticism in his Prolegomena to the Laus. Hist.

2 Hist. Relig. t 10, 15, 23, 28 ; Hist. Laus., 108.

3 Vita in Rosweyd, pp. 171 and ff.

4 See Zockler s interesting description of this competition in Askese
u. Monchtum, pp. 275 and ff.

EASTERN MONASTICISM 173

about the Monophosytes ; and Thomas of Marga is
not outdone by either when he recounts the per
formances of his Nestorians. The monks competed
against each other individually, and their achieve
ments were boasted of by the adherents of the
various parties into which the later Christological
controversies rent the Church.

Very commonly, as we gather from St. Jerome s
account of Eastern monasticism, this prejudice 1
against the monks found expression in an accusa
tion of schismatic tendencies. St. Jerome himself
was accused of schism. He earnestly and success
fully rebuts the charge, and declares his loyalty to
orthodox bishops. 2 In his case the accusation was
entirely unfounded, but it certainly could be made
with considerable justice against many other leaders
of the ascetics. The solitary life of the hermit tends
to develop eccentricities of conduct and a disregard
of custom and law. In Egypt the hermit life
gradually gave way to the organisation of monas
teries and lauras. In the East it continued to be
regarded as the highest and most complete form of
monasticism. Community life was frequently re
garded merely as a period of preparation, through
which the novice passed before he ventured to be
come a hermit. The recognised leader of a band of

1 Ep. Ixxxii.

2 Against John of Jerm., pp. 42 and ff. (transl. in library of Nicene
and Post-Nicene Fathers), and Ep. Ixxxii.

174 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

monks who lived in community was often a hermit,
who lived a considerable distance away from his
disciples. They regarded his mode of life as higher
than theirs, and only refrained from entering upon
it because they doubted their own powers of endur
ance. It is only natural, therefore, that in the East
eccentricity should be common among the monks.
But eccentricity in religion is very nearly related to
both heresy and schism. We read, for instance, of
a certain old solitary named Abraham, 1 a man of
many virtues, and with all an old man s wisdom,
who was only with great difficulty persuaded by
another hermit to conform to the rules of the
Church. Sometimes whole bodies of monks became
so eccentric in their conduct that we can very easily
understand their being regarded as in reality schis
matics. For instance, the Boskoi, 2 or shepherds, a
Mesopotamian group of nine monks, refused to eat
cooked or even cultivated food, lived without cells
or shelter of any kind, wandered about the country
singing psalms and praying. They carried sickles
with which to cut the grass which formed their only
food. Another instance of a monasticism which
verged upon schism is afforded by the Remoboth,
whom Jerome describes. 3 These are the same as
Cassian s Sarabaitae ; but whereas they were com
paratively rare in Egypt, in Syria and the East
generally they were very common ” almost the only

1 Hist. Relig., iii., sub fin. 3 Soz., H.E. y vi. 33. 8 Ep. xxii. 35.

EASTERN MONASTICISM 175

kind of monks,” St. Jerome says. These Remoboth
submitted to no authority of any kind, either eccle
siastical or monastic. They had no fixed dwelling-
places, or settled rules of fasting, or other discipline.
They wandered in small groups about the country,
and made a living by the sale of their work. It is
very easy to realise that such a mode of life exposed
them to frequent temptations. Some of them, for
instance, traded upon their reputation for sanctity,
and sold their, goods for such prices as enabled them
to become rich. Others, after long periods of severe
repression, broke out into almost unbridled sensual
indulgence. They studied effect in their dress and
demeanour, and earned a cheap reputation for
sanctity by sneering at the lives of the clergy.
Probably actually schismatic, or at all events very
nearly so, were the Valesians who dwelt on the east
side of the Jordan, and were especially violent and
bitter in their sexual asceticism.

The Audiani 1 are distinctly a sect separated from
and in opposition to the Church. Their founder,
Audius, was a man renowned throughout Mesopo
tamia for the blamelessness of his life, the sincerity
of his faith, and his zeal for righteousness. Although
only a layman, he rebuked the clergy and even the
bishops for their worldliness, luxury, and love of
money. His attitude gradually became quite in
tolerable, and he was excommunicated. The strict

1 Epiph. , Contra Haer. , 70.

1 76 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

integrity of his life and his asceticism had won him
many friends, both among the laity and the clergy.
He found himself the leader of a considerable sect,
and was recognised as their bishop. His sect after
wards lapsed into heresy, but Audius himself found
a fitting close to a life of strenuous effort after
righteousness in martyrdom while engaged in mis
sionary work among the Goths. The Aerians were
a somewhat similar sect, who were connected with
the followers of Eustathius in Armenia ; but prob
ably dogmatic differences had as much to do with
their separation from the Church as asceticism.
Southern Asia Minor 1 gave birth to the sect of the
Euchites, or Prayers called also in Aramaic the
Messalians. They were strictly ascetic in their lives,
but pushed their view of life to the extreme of
regarding matter and God s creation as inherently
and necessarily evil. Theodoret accuses them of
having learnt their doctrines from the Manichaeans.
The history of these sects is obscure and of very
little importance, except in so far as it shows the
general tendency of those who accepted the ascetic
ideal of life to split off from the Church, and the
readiness of the Church to get rid of such reformers
of morals. I think that Asia Minor and Syria afford
truer types than Egypt of the normal development
of the relationship between the early monks and the
Church.

1 Epiph., as above, Ixxx. ; Theodoret, H.E.. iv. II.

EASTERN MONASTICISM 177

The further history of the relations of the monks
to the Church in the East may best be traced in the
northern part of Asia Minor, where the influence of
St. Basil the Great was most powerful.

Monasticism was introduced into the regions of
Armenia and Cappadocia by Eustathius of Sebaste. 1
This remarkable and interesting man was the son of
a Bishop Eulalius. 2 He was educated in Egypt, and
was a pupil of the great heresiarch Arius. 3 It is
difficult to understand his career and his form of
faith. Amid the war of creeds of various shades,
which marks the second part of the struggle against
Arianism, Eustathius appears to have played a very
unworthy part. He signed the creeds of all parties
with an apparent indifference to their contents. 4 If
he was no pillar of orthodoxy, he was certainly an
unsatisfactory ally from the point of view of a
sincere Arian. It seems probable that he had no
very great interest in the finer shades of dogmatic
questions. His Egyptian education had not filled
him with an uncompromising enthusiasm for any
special form of belief. What he did learn in Egypt

1 The article on Eustathius of Sebaste, in the third edition of the
P. R. . t by Loofs, is worthy of careful study.

2 Socr., H.E., ii. 43, i.

3 St. Basil, Ep. 263.

4 St. Basil (Ep. 224-9) relates that he signed the creeds put forth at
Ancyra (358 A.D.), in which the bfj.oioTjyt.ov was accepted ; at Seleucia
(359 A.D.), which supported the creed of Antioch (341) ; at Constanti
nople (360), which was Acacian ; at Lampsacus (364), which was Semi-
arian ; at Nike, in Thrace, which was the creed of Ariminum.

i8o CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

erroneous practices we do not know. To a large
extent they were probably unauthorised exaggera
tions of his teaching made by a fanatical section of
his disciples. It is noticeable that Eustathius him
self was not anathematised by the Council. Fifteen
or sixteen years afterwards we find him Bishop of
Sebaste, so we may conclude either that he had
never himself approved of the extravagances of his
disciples, or that he had submitted to the decrees of
the Council. On the general question of the ascetic
life the bishops l speak with no very clear or definite
voice. They hesitate between recognising asceticism
as a higher form of Christian life and regarding it as
an amiable eccentricity, permissible, but requiring
careful watching and regulation.

If the Constitution s Asceticae, usually bound up
with the writings of St. Basil, are, as has been sur
mised, the work of Eustathius of Sebaste, 2 we are in
a position to form a fair estimate of what his ascetic
teaching was. He was wanting in sympathy, narrow
in his conception of the Christian life, uncharitable
and bitter in his estimate of ways which diverged
from his own. In a word, his spirit was Puritan rather
than Catholic. At the same time, he was sincere, un
selfish, and zealous for righteousness.

It was no doubt because of his sincerity and self-
denial that he became the friend of St. Basil the

1 Gangra, Can. xxi.

J Gamier in Pref. to Bened, edition ; so also Zockler.

EASTERN MONASTICISM 181

Great We know that after leaving the University
of Athens, St. Basil travelled in Syria and Egypt, 1
and became acquainted with the manner of life of
the monks. He learnt to regard the fascination of
expiring Paganism, which captivated the soul of
Julian, as a “syren voice,” 2 and to regard the
” crucifixions ” of the monks as a diviner way than
that of Hermes and Aphrodite. It is impossible to
describe the condition of St. Basil s mind at this
period better than in his own words: 3 “I admired the
continence of the monks in living and their en
durance in toil. I was amazed at their persistency
in prayer, and at their triumphing over sleep ; sub
dued by no natural necessity, ever keeping their
soul s purpose high and free, in hunger, in thirst, in
cold, in nakedness, they never yielded to the body ;
they were never willing to waste attention on it ;
always, as though living in a flesh that was not
theirs, they showed in very deed what it is to sojourn
for a while in this life and what to have one s
citizenship and home in heaven. All this moved
my admiration. I called these men s lives blessed,
in that they did indeed show that they bear about
in their body the dying of Jesus. And I prayed
that I, too, so far as in me lay, might imitate them.”
With such an ideal before him, St. Basil returned

1 Epp. i and 223. 2 Ep. i.

3 Read the whole of Ep. 223, in order to appreciate St. Basil s
feelings.

1 82 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

to Cappadocia. He found that Eustathius and his
disciples were already living the wonderful life which
he had learnt to admire. He sought the friendship
of Eustathius. Many of his friends tried to draw
him away from so dangerous a teacher. No doubt
it seemed a pity that so brilliant a young man as St.
Basil should have his life spoiled by the fanatical
ways of the monks. But St. Basil remained firm.
He became an eager supporter of the Eustathian
ascetics, ” because of the extraordinary excellence of
their lives.” 1 His friendship with Eustathius himself
was very close. They spent days and nights together
conversing on spiritual things in St. Basil s retreat at
Pontus. 2 Eustathius was introduced into St. Basil s
family circle. 3 They took journeys together to visit
famous bishops. 4 The friendship lasted for twenty-
five years, during which St. Basil professed himself
satisfied with his friend s orthodoxy and steadily
defended him against attacks. Then there came a
sudden breach. Into the cause and the rights of the
quarrel it is not necessary to enter. We have no
opportunity of seeing the matter from the standpoint
of Eustathius, and it is impossible to form a fair
judgment. The effect of it was to turn all St. Basil s
affection into bitterness. He is no longer able to see
any good at all in Eustathius. What seemed to be
religion he now recognises to be only hypocrisy. 5

1 Ep. 223. 2 Ibid. 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid,

5 St. Basil, Epp. 144 and 163.

EASTERN MONASTICISM 183

Modern historians have universally accepted St.
Basil s final estimate of the character of Eustathius
as the just one. Yet I think we may well pause
before doing so. Is it not quite in accordance with
the character of St. Basil to conclude that because his
friend deceived him once, or seemed to deceive him,
that therefore his friend s whole life must have been
a lie? Is it likely that St. Basil could have been
deceived for twenty-five years about the character of
a man with whom he was very intimate ? “I am
convinced from the whole character of Eustathius that
he cannot be lightly turning from one direction to
another ; that a man shunning a lie even in any little
matter as an awful sin is not likely to run counter to
the truth.” 1 This is St. Basil s earlier judgment,
based upon his personal knowledge of his friend s
character. Is it not on the whole likely to be nearer
the truth than the later one expressed in the heated
invective of theological strife ?

It is with a dishonoured name that Eustathius
passes down the pages of history. His work is for
gotten. His writings are lost or given to St. Basil.
It is not he but St. Basil who is recognised as the
great patriarch of Greek monasticism. Yet there is
no doubt that Eustathius exercised a great influence
over St. Basil. A number of ascetic writings have
been attributed to St. Basil, some of which are

1 Ep. 99, written in the year 372.

1 84 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

certainly not his and others perhaps not entirely his.
If Eustathius, as seems likely, was the author of
some of these works, then his teaching must have
very early been confused with that of St. Basil. The
famous hospitium at Caesarea, where monks ministered
to the wants of the indigent and sick, was an imita
tion of an earlier institution founded by Eustathius
at Sebaste.

St. Basil was, however, a far greater man than
Eustathius. He grasped the problem 1 with which
the early enthusiasm of the monks confronted the
Church, and accomplished the task of finding a
place for monasticism within the circle of the
Church s organisation. The Church in Asia Minor
in St. Basil s time was in danger of losing all
purely spiritual enthusiasm, and of becoming a
mere political organisation, or at best a home for
sober and settled morality and piety. St. Basil
saved her from fencing off for herself a paddock
of religion inspired by nothing more lofty than
common sense. He taught her that Christianity,
V if it is to be true to the ideas of the apostolic
Church, must be a religion of enthusiasm and of
far-reaching self-denial. The monks, on the other
hand, were in danger of rushing into unbridled
extravagances. He saved them from becoming a

1 Dr. A. Kranisch has made a very able study of St. Basil s ascetic
teaching in his Die Ascetik in ihrer dogmatischen Grundlage bei
Basilius dem Grossen,

EASTERN MONASTICISM 185

conglomerate of sects, at war with each other, and
unanimously contemptuous of the Church.

It seems that St. Basil s work ought to have a
very real interest for us. The problem of our
English Christianity has been for three centuries
very nearly the same as that of the Cappadocian
Church in the fourth century. Our Church, too,
has been confronted with unregulated enthusiasms
which could not and would not be satisfied with the
common expression of a nation s Christianity. The
English Church has been signally successful in
fostering the quiet piety of home and family, in
blending what is sweet and beautiful in common
life with peaceful reverence for Christ. As a
national Church she has failed to produce great
warrior saints. She has shrunk back timidly from
enthusiastic men who threatened to break away
from the bounds of sobriety, and has stood fas
tidiously aloof from the eccentricities which are
almost inevitably associated with religious genius.
Thus time after time she has suffered earnest men
to spend their energies outside her communion.
She lost the Quakers in the seventeenth century,
the Methodists in the eighteenth, the Plymouth
Brethren and Salvation Army in the nineteenth
century. These should all have been, not sects
outside, but orders within the Church. The fault
has been ours and theirs. Ours because we dis
trusted enthusiasm and dreaded new ways. Theirs

1 86 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

because they suffered themselves to become con
temptuous and bitter. It is the misfortune of the
whole nation that we have never had a Basil.

It is, therefore, with something more than merely
academic interest that we approach the subject of
St. Basil s work for monasticism, and how he per
formed it.

In the first place, it is misleading to speak of St.
Basil as the author of a monastic rule. St. Basil
did not compose a rule in the sense in which St.
Benedict did. His ascetic writings are treatises, ser
mons, catechisms, but not rules. The Regula Fusius
Tractatae and the Regula Brevius Tractatae, which,
of all his writings, bear the closest resemblance to
rules, are really devotional catechisms. They are
applicable chiefly to those who have embraced the
monastic life, but are also useful in part to those
who, under any circumstances, are trying to be
followers of Christ. The form in which these two
works are cast itself forbids their being considered
as, strictly speaking, rules. They are catechisms,
series of questions and answers, and not definite
laws. There is a spirit running through them diffi
cult to express, but easily felt by a sympathetic
reader, which differentiates them from a regular
rule like the Benedictine. If no monastery any
longer existed, it would be possible, with the rule
of St. Benedict as a guide, to reconstruct a society
like that of Monte Cassino. It would be. impos-*

EASTERN MONASTICISM 187

sible from the writings of St. Basil to create a
working organisation where none existed. On the
other hand, granted a Christian society of any kind,
a sincere effort to appreciate the meaning of St.
Basil s ascetic teaching would result certainly in a
greatly deepened spirituality, and a sympathy with
the ascetic ideal in whatever form it might express
./ itself. St. Benedict is a legislator. St. Basil a
spiritual director. St. Benedict aims at the crea
tion of a home, a perfectly suitable environment,
for the Christian life. St. Basil strives rather to
awaken desire for the evangelic perfection, and to
point out the dangers which await the traveller
along the narrow way.

There is, therefore, what at first sight strikes us
as a certain vagueness and indefiniteness about even
St. Basil s Regula Fusius and Regula Brevius Trac-
tatae. For instance, the thirteenth question of the
Reg. Fus. Tract, deals with the discipline of silence.
Here is a practice suitable, indeed possible, only for
those who live monastic lives. Shortly 1 afterwards,
in the same treatise, we have a question and answer
dealing with the virtue of temperance. 2 St. Basil
explains temperance to consist not merely of fasting,
watching, and chastity. It includes labour, a limita
tion of the freedom of the tongue, setting bounds to
the ranging of the eyes, and controlling the hearing
of the ears. This complete self-conquest is certainly

1 Jnterrog. xvi. 2 rb

i88 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

more easily practised, is more possible, for the monk,
but it is not the less an ideal to be striven for by
Christians in the world. Again, another question 1
and answer treat of the spirit which ought to animate
work. Here his teaching is as completely applicable
to the Christian merchant in a great city as to the
monk who ploughs a lonely field. Thus all through
these two catechisms we have sometimes advice
which is applicable only to a monk in his cloister,
sometimes a discussion of a virtue attainable best
in a monastery, but to be aimed at by all, and some
times the setting forth of a necessary fundamental
principle of all Christian life. And this, which is
true even of these two works, which resemble most
nearly a regular monastic rule, is much more obvious
in St. Basil s other ascetic writings. He refuses to
draw a hard-and-fast line between monks and other
Christians. He teaches that all Christian life must
be ascetic. There is a question of the degree of its
asceticism between the life of a monk and that of
a married man. There is no question that both lives
are lived on the same principle. “God,” he says, 2
” has permitted men to live in one of two ways, either
as married or as monks. But it must not be sup
posed that those who are married are therefore free
to embrace the world. The evangelic renunciation
is their ideal, too, for the Lord s words were spoken

1 Interrog. xlii.

2 De renun, Saecl. , i. and ii.

EASTERN MONASTICISM 189

to those who were in the world as well as to the
apostles. What I say unto you I say unto all. “

It seems, then, that one great aim of St. Basil s
ascetic teaching was to connect the monastic life
with that of ordinary Christians, and to place both
alike beside the great standard of the evangelic
teaching. He spoke to those members of the
Church who viewed monasticism and its enthusiasm
with dislike and distrust. He showed them that in
the deadening of all enthusiasm, in the easy accept
ance of the world s standard of life, there lurks a
danger as real as the danger of monkish fanaticism.
He spoke to the monks, showing them that their
way was no new kind of Christian life, no special
and exclusive expression of the gospel spirit, but
only a faithful following out of common principles.
“This,” he says, “is the goal of Christianity, the
imitation of Christ in the measure of His humanity
as far as the vocation of each man permits.” 1

Another great note of St. Basil s ascetic writings
is the connection which he establishes between the
asceticism, culminating in monasticism, of the Chris
tian life and the great truths of the Christian creed.
Monks, up to the time of St. Basil, had lived in
stinctively great lives, and had held unquestioningly
the fundamental doctrines of the, creed. St. Basil
reasons out a connection between the two. Starting
from the belief in God as man s creator, 2 he shows

1 Reg. Fus. Tract., xliii. – Hexaem., i. 2.

190 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

that the renunciation of the monk is really an act
of self-dedication to Him to whom already man
belongs. ” I do nothing,” he says, 1 ” when I give
myself to Thee. I give Thee only what is thine.”
Starting from the belief in the ultimate judgment 2
of the world, he writes, 3 ” Discipline all the lusts of
the flesh, and keep the thought of God ever built
up in your soul, as in a very holy temple. In every
deed and word hold before your eyes the judgment
of Christ, so that every individual action may bring
you glory in that day of retribution.” He speaks
of the Christian life as an ascetic warfare, a continual
military service against the world and the flesh. 4
It is laid upon humanity as a direct consequence
of the fall. Thus asceticism is brought into intimate
connection with the doctrines of redemption and
of grace.

This, it seems to me, is the most important work
which St. Basil accomplished for monasticism. He
wrought its ideal into the fabric of the Church s
dogmatic thought. He showed it to be the ideal
life of a religion which taught as Christianity teaches
about God and judgment, grace and fall, sin and
redemption. From his time until the Protestant
Reformation monasticism occupied the position in
which St. Basil placed it. His work never needed

1 In Psalm cxv. 5″.

2 Procemium and De Judicio. ;J Ep. 146.
4 E.g. in De renun. Saecl.^ iL

EASTERN MONASTICISM 191

to be done again. Other minds occupied themselves
with the best means of leading the ascetic life, with
the limits and possibilities of renunciation. Rules
were composed, reformed, improved ; but, until the
sixteenth century, men on every side were agreed
that monasticism was an integral part of the Church s
life, the highest expression of the Christian spirit.
Unless a man denied the doctrine of the fall, and
the double need for God s grace and human co
operation in elevating man from his state of sin,
it did not seem possible to conceive of the monastic
life as a mighty error, or even a dangerous eccen
tricity.

Thus St. Basil met the problem which faced the
Cappadocian Church in his day. He taught the
monks to venerate the Church as the guardian of
those truths which gave its meaning and purpose
to their life. He taught the Church to honour the
monks as men who followed to its practical issues
the teaching of the creed.

Of less importance, and yet not altogether to be
neglected, are the suggestions which St. Basil makes
for the guidance of those who have embraced the
monastic life. Their general tendency is in the
direction of subordinating the individual to the
community. For instance, he decidedly prefers
the ccenobitic to the hermit life. The fact of this
preference is itself sufficiently remarkable in the
East, although in this St. Basil breaks no new

192 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

ground, but follows the example of St. Pachomius.
Very much more remarkable are the grounds on
which he bases his preference. ” In the solitary
life,” he says, 1 “the gifts we have from God are
useless, and the gifts we lack cannot be supplied.
There are duties which cannot be performed by the
solitary hermit; for example, the visitation of the
sick, and generally all the works of charity. How
can we be all members of one body, as we are called,
unless we are united and joined to one another?
How, if we are all separated one from another, can
we render due obedience to Him who is the head of
the body, even Christ? How can we rejoice with
him who rejoices, and weep with him who is in
trouble, when no man knows the condition of his
neighbour ? The Lord Himself, out of the greatness
of His benignity, did not rest content with the words
of precepts, but expressly gave us an example of
humility, for He girded Himself and washed His
disciples feet. Whose feet will you wash? To
whom will you be a servant ? Compared with whom
will you be last of all if you remain a solitary ? “
These arguments are exceedingly important, not only
as establishing the superiority of the ccenobitic life
over the solitary, but as a reassertion, in the face of
the individualistic tendency of early monasticism,
of the great principle of the community of Chris
tians with each other. In other words, they assert

1 Reg, Fus. Tract.) vii. Cf. Reg. Brev. Tract., 74.

EASTERN MONASTICISM 193

the necessity for a Church. Necessarily in due time
the principle which St. Basil here enunciates was
pushed to its conclusion, and the monks came to
think of themselves as having not only a duty of
mutual help, but a communion also with the great
Church outside the monastery ; a duty to perform to
her, gifts and graces to receive from her. This idea
was present to St. Basil s own mind when he wrote,
“Those to whom there has been much entrusted
ought to move those who are weaker to the imita
tion of their lives, as the apostle, the blessed Paul,
says, Be ye imitators of me as I am also of Christ. “

In connection with his preference for the ccenobitic
life must be placed St. Basil s insistence on a life of
labour for the monks. 1 From the days of St. Antony
the monks had been taught to work, but they worked
mainly as a remedy against accidie and sloth.
St. Basil taught that labour should be in itself
useful, and directed to some practical purpose.
His monks are to be useful citizens, playing their
part in the economy of the State.

The spirit 2 in which he treats fasting is similar.
Great fasts are not to be undertaken in a spirit of
bravado. The practice is to be kept within such
limits as will not injure the bodily health or spiritual
activity.

Of the relation of monks to bishops and the

1 Ep. ii. ; Reg. Fus. Tract., 37.

2 Reg. Fus. Tract., 18-20 ; Reg. Brev. Tract. , 128-33.

O

194 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

Church clergy in general, St. Basil says nothing
directly. He wished, however, to have monasteries
placed near cities, partly, no doubt, that the monks
might find greater opportunities of influence, but
chiefly in order that they might come well within the
sphere of episcopal influence.

St. Basil s teaching and ideals affected Eastern
monasticism only very gradually. At first the
Basilian conception of the life was confined to
Cappadocia and the neighbouring regions. Sozo-
men 1 notes that the Cappadocian monks differed
from those of Palestine and Syria in their prefer
ence for monasteries in the neighbourhood of
cities. He explains that this was owing to the
severity of their climate. In reality it was the result
of St. Basil s teaching, which had not as yet pene
trated beyond the district of his diocese.

The general acceptance of his ideal of monasticism
throughout the Greek Church was partly the result
of a recognition of its superiority, which led monks
to adopt it voluntarily. Partly it was the conse
quence of direct ecclesiastical and civil legislation.

In the sixth century we read 2 of three men,
Euthymius, Sabbas, and Theodosius, who may be

1 H.E., vi. 34.

2 Some of what remains of this chapter is based on the opening
sections of Ph. Meyer s Geschichte der Athoskloster. I have not had
opportunity of studying all the authorities he quotes, but I am the more
content to follow him, as I observe that his work has been used in the
same way by so painstaking and careful a writer as Zockler (Askese u.
Monchtum, pp. 292 and ff.).

EASTERN MONASTICISM 195

regarded as missionaries of Basilian monasticism
among the anchorites of Palestine and Syria.
Hitherto, outside of Cappadocia, the hermit life
had continued to be not only the highest, but almost
the only type of monastic life. Theodosius aimed
at the formation of regular monasteries, Euthymius
and his disciple Sabbas at gathering the hermits into
some kind of lauras. Sabbas, indeed, conceived of
communities for those who were well advanced in the
ascetic life, but he still retained the idea that the
highest and most perfect life was that of the anchorite
or Kelliote. Thus he is represented by his biographer
as saying to Theodosius, ” You, father, are a leader
of boys, but I am a leader of leaders, for each of
those with me, being independent, is master of his
own cell.”

The Basilian ideal of monasticism became really
influential throughout the East after a process of
legislation. Four canons of the Council of Chalcedon
are directed against irregular and independent forms
of monasticism. It is ordered (Canon 4) that no
monastery should be anywhere built or founded
without the consent of the bishop of the city ; that
the monks in each monastery should be subject to
the bishop ; that they embrace a life of tranquillity,
neither troubling nor meddling with ecclesiastical or
secular affairs. In Canon 8 the tradition of the
holy fathers, by whom I understand St. Basil
especially to be meant, is referred to in support of

196 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

the direction that the clergy of almshouses and
monasteries are to be subject to the power of the
bishops. These clergy were evidently ordained
monks. Canon 23 is directed against monks, either
lay or clerical, who set at naught the authority of
their bishops, and “excite commotions,” especially
in Constantinople. Canon 24 aims at preserving
for their original religious purposes the buildings of
monastic communities.

Other councils, such, for instance, as Agde and the
Trullian Council, legislated in the same spirit, com
pleting a series of enactments which tended to limit
the freedom of the monks and place them more and
more in a position of dependence on the bishops.

The same thing was undertaken by the civil power
in the Justinian Code. It may even be said that
Justinian shared with St. Basil the honour of having
given shape to Greek monasticism. St. Basil con
ceived the idea of a community life in close con
nection with, and subordination to, the Church.
Justinian s legislation realised the idea and led to its
being generally practised in the Church. The legis
lation of the Justinian Code follows closely the
canons of Chalcedon in subordinating the monks to
the bishops. No monastery is to be founded unless
the bishop of the diocese in which it is to be built
has given his consent and formally taken it under his
protection by the ceremony of Stauropegia. 1 The
1 Nov., v. 3.

EASTERN MONASTICISM 197

community life is established as the only recognised
form of monasticism. Each monastery is to consist
of a sufficient number of buildings to accommodate
all the monks. They are to sleep and eat within the
walls of the monastery. Only the aged and the
sick are to be allowed to dwell apart from the com
munity. Where there are monks who have a voca
tion for the solitary life (Hesychastae) they are to
have their own cells within the monastery, and live
in solitude in the midst of their brethren. 1 The
number of such solitaries is to be strictly limited. 2
Abbots and priors are to be elected either by the
whole body of the monks or by some of the
worthiest. 3 The bishops are to have a voice in such
elections. The services of the Church are to be
performed by some of the older monks who have
been ordained. 4 On entering a monastery a monk
resigns to the community all his property except in
cases where wife or children are left behind in the
world. They have a claim upon a share of the re-
nunciant s property. 5 Once a monk is received into
a monastery, he is forbidden to return to secular
life. 6

The enactments of the Justinian Code form a
legislative expression of the Basilian idea of monasti
cism. The monks were given a recognised position
within or rather beside the Church. It was not

1 Nov., cxxiii. 36. 2 Ibid., cxxxiii. 3 Ibid., cxxiii. 34.
4 Ibid., cxxxiii. 2. 5 Ibid., v. 5. 6 Ibid., cxxiii. 32.

198 CHRISTIAN MONASTICISM

practically different from the position of the Western
monks. It was, however, forced upon the monks
from outside by the power of Church and State
working together. Thus while Greek monasticism
was made to conform to the model suggested by the
teaching of St. Basil, it was deprived of the oppor
tunity for free and spontaneous development.

At the end of the eighth century, for the first
time, Greek monasticism produced for itself a rule
which resembles the Western rules, and which had
a history comparable to that of the rule of St.
Benedict. The Studite monastery in Constantinople
occupied during the eighth century a leading posi
tion in the East. The Empress Irene appointed
Theodore to be its abbot. He set himself to realise,
down to the minutest details, the conception of a
community life. The organisation which he imposed
upon his monks was more complete and detailed
even than the Benedictine. In his ” Testament ” he
left a monastic rule which was copied and reproduced
everywhere in the Greek Church. It forms the basis
of the rule which Athanasius wrote for the monks
of Athos. It was introduced by various Eastern
bishops into their dioceses. It became the normal
rule of Russian monasticism after its introduction by
Theodosius into the monastery of Kiew.

Densely or sparsely

When it comes to population density it boils down to ecological and geographic factors as well as the number of people to know if it’s densely or underpopulated, Russia might have 130 million plus individuals but it’s so large and vast where the east is very cold that it’s technically more underpopulated than Ukraine, Poland and Belarus (its neighbours).

The same logic applies to Sweden, Iceland, Norway and Finland being more sparsely populated than the Netherlands,  Denmark and Germany that while Sweden might have more people but because Sweden has vast, harsh land and Denmark has less harsh climate and smaller land area that Denmark is going to be more densely populated.

For another matter, much of Australia is underpopulated due to the vast desert and lack of oil that while its land area is similar to America in size it has significantly less people (America does have deserts but it mostly has kinder land).

Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the …, Volume 109, Part 19 (Google Books)

THE SPIRIT OF SHEvchEn KO

Mr. Speaker, much also has been written and uttered about the indomitable spirit of Shevchenko. That spirit is one of freedom coupled with humanism. All of us know all too well the character assassination that can result from excerpting so-called “anti-” statements from contextual verse. This technique is both dishonest and disreputable. The Shevchenko spirit cannot be perhaps better expressed on this score than in the following letter to the chairman of the National Capitol Planning Commission, written by a close and long-term student of Shevchenko, and also the article written about the most outstanding exponent of Shevchenko’s Works in pre-World War II Poland, Metropolitan Andrew Sheptytsky, an illuminating article penned by an Israel journalist. I ask that both pieces be appended to my remarks:

THE SHEvchENKO AFFAIR DECEMBER 17, 1963. Mrs. JAMES H. Rowe, Chairman, National Capital Planning Commission, Washington, D.C.

The vigorously pressed assault of the Washington Post on the Shevchenko statue in the Nation’s Capital should be carefully scrutinized.

It is interesting to note that commencing with the editorial blast on October 18, 1963, all subsequent salvos (without benefit of corroborating exposés as the label “Affair” implies) draw their firepower exclusively from a calculated use of words and phrases of bias and prejudice.

As one who has read all the published works of Shevchenko in the original Ukrainian and being familiar with the rather extensive bibliography on the poet and his writings, I obtain a very sick evaluation chart when I apply my Rotary Club’s fourway test to the charges of the Washington Post, :

Is it the truth?

Is it fair to all concerned?

Will it build good will and better friendship?

Will it be beneficial to all concerned?

The term “affair” conjures up in the reader’s mind the infamous Dreyfus case of France involving malign influences and false charges which lead to the court-martial and public degradation of Capt. Alfred Dreyfus for treason, to be followed by a violent national storm of charges and countercharges inflamed by prejudice, bigotry, and misguided patriotism before reason, fairness, and justice could prevail and the shame of France redeemed by vindication, reinstatement, and promotion of Captain Dreyfus to new honors in 1906.

When the Washington Post gives as its first reason for objecting to the approval of the project adopted by Congress that it was the “effort of a tiny group” only, the editors would have you believe that the project was neither endorsed nor supported by the vast majority of the more than a million Americans of Ukrainian origin in the United States.

The truth of the matter is that the project has the backing of thousands of persons who donated money to the statue fund. Lay and church organizations from every state in

the Union, representing Orthodox, Catholic, and Protestant faiths, support the project. All the Ukrainian fraternal Orders have worked for it. All Ukrainian-language newspapers and radio programs, excepting the Communist-controlled ones, have given the project their wholehearted support and encouragement. This phenomenon is not surprising, because Ukrainians in all walks of life know their Shevchenko, like the Irish know their St. Patrick, and revere him as a great poet who established the literary quality of their language; returned self-respect to the enslaved peasant serf; recalled the past glories of national freedom and independence and dedicated his gifted muse to a vigorous defense of the individual against governmental tyranny, religious bigotry, economic exploitation of the disenfranchised serfs, and prophesied the coming of an era of brotherhood of men under God. In the treasury of world’s lyric poetry, Shevchenko has few peers. Why it is so difficult for a nonUkrainian to appreciate Shevchenko as a great poet may be gained from the following quotation from the “Greek Way” by Edith Hamilton, when she wrote about Pindar: “He is securely seated among the immortals. And yet only a few people know him—and of all the poets there ever were, he is the most impossible to translate—one feels “life abundantly’ within him, inexhaustible spontaneity, an effortless mastery over treasuries of rich and incomparably vivid expression, the fountain shooting upward, irresistible, unenforced—and beyond description. But in spite of this sense he gives of ease and freedom and power, he is in equal degree a conSummate craftsman, an artist in fullest command of the technique of his art, and that fact is the other half of the reason why he is untranslatable. His poetry is of all poetry the most like music.” An examination of the card index in the Congressional Library in Washington, the great libraries of New York City, Chicago and the libraries of any outstanding university in this country will reveal the existence of an extensive bibliography on Shevchenko. He is known; he is established; he is accepted as a great world poet who endures. If the Ukrainians’ love of Shevchenko is an “errant private passion,” then they have multitudinous company among Americans (including Ukrainians) who show an “errant” passion for the author of the Gettysburg Address. While it is true that it is the Ukrainians who know him best and that the average American knows little if anything about him, the same may be said about a number of outstanding world figures of the 19th century or even of this century, thanks to the impact of the former isolationist policies of our Nation. America is an outgrowth and development of many ethnic streams. Each has added its particular share to our national development. Shevchenko is symbolic of the best cultural and national qualities of Ukraine. In him we have a unique situation of a great poet as a national hero. His universal appeal is evidenced by the large number of books, articles and translations by English, French, Italian, German, Slavic and oriental language writers. Reject him and you reject the great universal ideals he symbolizes to millions of people around the globe. Alice L. Sickels, a sociologist who headed the International Institute in Minneapolis and later in Detroit, Mich., wrote a book entitled “Around the World in St. Paul” in which she said among other things: “America is an idea. This idea is being worked out in the United States by carriers of historic civilizations who have gathered here from every corner of the world, largely from Europe. Democracy is the end toward which they aim; it is also a process by which we move forward. How long it will take to bring the real America into full expression

will depend on the men and women through whose faith and effort it must be achieved. Our America, an idea in action, is, in the last analysis, “only you and me.’” The following statement from the book’s jacket too has relevancy to the “Shevchenko Affair.” “America is a laboratory. Its cosmopolitan cities, mosaics of peoples from many lands, offer an unprecedented opportunity for America to practice living in an interracial and international world order. When We have learned to live harmoniously and justly in our own country, we shall have learned also to live peaceably with the peoples of the World.” Another objection to the statue raised by the Washington Post is that the Communists also “love.” Shevchenko. The Communists also love and make use of our constitutional Bill of Rights and our system of courts of justice which they have invoked on innumerable occasions. They also love Our Mark Twain and Our Van Cliburn. Is that any reason why we should do away with our Bill of Rights or our system of courts of justice, or renounce Mark Twain or Van Cliburn? It can be truly said that because of his immense popular appeal for over a century, Shevchenko is the one mighty voice of Ukraine crying out for truth and justice that even the ruthless Communist system cannot suppress. Ironically, if not tragically, the Washington Post, an exponent of the freedom of the press in the Nation’s Capital, is crusading militantly, persistently to still the voice of Shevchenko and downgrade and humiliate him before the eyes of the world. In the nature of things, it would be unusual for a man of Shevchenko’s public stature in the field of letters and national acclaim not to have enemies and detractors at home and abroad. The statesmen whose profiles grace the Halls of Congress, the national leaders like Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln and others whose statues and monuments constitute some of the finest attractions in the Nation’s Capital were often the targets of similar attacks in their private as well as public life. A notable example of such tragic attack on character is that of Thomas Paine, Revolutionary pamphleteer and patriot, attacking the character of George Washington in a letter addressed to the President: “And as to you, sir, treacherous in period of friendship (for so you have been to me, and that in the day of danger) a hypocrite in public life, the world will be puzzled to decide whether you are an apostate or an imposter; whether you have abandoned good principles or whether you ever had any.” Even in this respect Shevchenko has something in common with George Washington. Truly, it may be said that Washington had his Paine and Shevchenko has his Wiggins. Obviously Washington’s detractors failed because the charges were without foundation. No such methods detracted from Washington’s greatness or prevented a grateful people from honoring his memory. Yet human nature had its fling before Congress could decide on a suitable memorial for Washington as evident from the extensive debates in Congress in the winter of 1800. For example, Congressman Sheppard rose to say: “I will do as much as any man to honor the memory of Washington. I have fought and bled with him several times. I have always supported and will continue to support him. But on the score of expenses, I think we are going too far. I will go so far as to have his remains placed decently within these walls. Further, I will not go; for I do not think we have a right to throw away the public money.” He was answered by Representative John Randolph from Virginia: “Shall then a mistaken spirit of economy, and a still more mistaken jealously arrest us? Honor him, it is true, we cannot. The world has charged itself with that task * * *

[ocr errors][ocr errors][merged small]
but though we cannot honor him, we may dishonor ourselves; though we cannot increase the luster of his fame, we may show our own meanness, cowardice, spite and malice; and show an astonished world that we are deplorably unworthy of the high honor conferred by Nature in giving us a Washington.” The mistaken and ill informed voice of prejudice from the pages of the Washington Post ought not to be the means for either Congress or the responsible planning commission to demean the profile of Shevchenko, whose presence in the Nation’s Capital would add luster to the spirit of America as personified by George Washington. They are kindred in spirit. The proposed statue symbolizes Shevchenko’s respect for as well as his yearning for the American ideal to take root in other lands, a yearning which was expressed in their day also by Marquis de Lafayette, Shelley, Hugo, Byron and others. Lord Byron in his “Ode to Venice” expresses this common bond between souls like Shevchenko and Washington in these words:

“Better be
Where the extinguished Spartans still are
free,
In their proud charnel of Thermopylae,
Than stagnate in our marsh, or over the
deep
Fly, and one current to the ocean add,
One spirit to the souls our fathers had,
One freeman more, America, to thee.”

Shall we accept Mr. Charek, son of Ukrainian parents, as president of our most advanced system of world communication, the Tel-Star Corp., and reject the spiritual father of his parents, Taras Shevchenko”

To charge that Congress was misguided and careless in this matter comes with ill grace from a newspaper whose editorial is so lacking in decent respect for truth and so biased in its views. Surely the normal procedures applicable to adoption of joint resolutions were followed in this matter. Appropriate committees considered the resolution. It was printed in the CongresSIONAL RECORD. Printed information and references covering the subject of the statue were made available. Opportunity for hearings and study were given. No substantive objections to the proposal were voiced in Congress. No costs were incurred by the Government for the realization of the project. The whole “Shevchenko affair” appears unworthy of the Washington Post.

Though this letter is already long, I cannot overlook the arrogant affront, the calculated inflammatory statement and brazen appeal to bigotry reflected in the charge that: “It is perhaps enough to say that both in the writings of the poet and in the efforts to exploit him there are elements which are offensive in various ways to Americans of Russian, German, Polish, Catholic, Jewish, Orthodox, and even Ukrainian background. A statue of Shevchenko would be a monument to disunity and recrimination among Americans.”

Shevchenko was an inherently religious man. Old and New Testament influences affected his writings profoundly. His poetry is permeated with appeals to and respect for God. He is honored by Ukrainians of all religious faiths. The joint resolution of Congress authorizing the project was sponsored by Congressmen of Catholic, Jewish, and Protestant faiths. This is not to overlor & the fact that religious “arguments” have ‘Jeen utilized on Occasion by some of his det, actors through distortion just as the Washington Post has done.

No doubt references have been made to anti-Semitic and anti-Catholic expressions in his poem Haydamaky. The theme of a fierce economic, political, and national struggle which inspired this historical poem did not minimize scenes of bloodshed, conflagration, and carnage of Jews, Poles, Ukrainians, women and children. :

[ocr errors]
I have read Shevchenko’s poems many times since boyhood. In the poem Haydamaky, Shevchenko expressed his personal abhorrence of the massacres and acts of fratricide by poetic interjections. In his prose preface to the poem, giving information on his source material, Shevchenko says:

“Thank God, that it’s all past. When you recall that we are all children of the same mother, that we are all Slavs. Though it may be painful, it must be told: Let the sons and grandsons see that their parents were in error. Let them reestablish brotherly relationship again with their enemies.”

Shevchenko was a great admirer of King David as a national hero of the Jews. Like himself, David started out as a shepherd boy adept with the harp and possessing a good singing voice. In translating David’s Psalms, Shevchenko attuned his fervently lofty ideals to David’s harp.

In conclusion, I am reminded of the last two stanzas of a poem dedicated by William Cullen Bryant to the memory of William Leggett, which expresses the enduring quality of Shevchenko for those who have ears and hearts to listen:

The words of fire that from his pen
Were flung upon the lucid page,
Still move, still shake the hearts of men
Amid a cold and coward age.
His love of truth, too warm, too strong
For hope or fear to chain or chill,
His hate of tyranny and wrong,
Burn in the breasts he kindled still.
Respectfully yours,
John PANCHUK.

[From the Jewish Digest] THE FORGoTTEN EPIC of Count SHEPTYTSKY (By Leo Heiman)

A letter written in Latin and postmarked Vatican City was delivered a few months ago to the desk of Col. David Kahana, chief chaplain of the Israeli Air Force. It was signed by a cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church, who is the head of a permanent commission that investigates beatification claims and makes final recommendations concerning eventual elevation to sainthood. The communication sought information about the late Count Andrew Sheptytsky, metropolitan of the Ukrainian Catholic Church. To millions of Ukrainians, the count is a true Christian saint, but Moscow is trying to prevent his beatification at all costs. Because the Ukrainians venerate the count as their greatest nationalist leader, Moscow is trying to prove that he was not a saint but a pro-Nazi collaborator, and war criminal. Books, films, and other propaganda have been employed by Moscow to villify the late metropolitan as an agent of the Gestapo. The only surviving witness who personally knew the late count and who can disprove the Soviet charges is Rabbi Kahana. I met the tough-looking rabbi-colonel, known as the fighting rabbi throughout the Israeli armed forces, in the concrete and steel building which houses the general headquarters of the Israeli Air Force. When I brought up the name of Count Andrew Sheptytsky, Chaplain Kahana was visibly moved. For a moment the clock of history seemed to turn back from July 1962 in Israel to July 1952 in the Ukrainian city of Lvov (Lemberg), where Nazi officers amused themselves by using Jewish children for target practice. Placing his right hand on the Holy Book, Colonel Kahana said: “I am willing to swear on the Bible that Count Sheptytsky was one of the greatest humanitarians in the history of mankind, certainly the best friend we Jews ever had. I say this not just because he saved my wife, my child, and myself, but because he was instrumental in rescuing hundreds of other Jews from certain death.

“When I met him, he was over 80, paralyzed and near death but not broken in spirit. He was well past the need to seek “respectability insurance’ or political gain. And he was aware that when the Nazis found Jews hiding in a church or monastery, they shot all the priests and monks, and either razed the buildings or converted them into barracks. If the metropolitan was willing to risk his priests and churches, he was moved by true Christianity, by love of our Jewish people, and by a sense of national responsibility. He realized that the enemies of the Ukrainian people would blame the actions of pogrom mobs and rag-tag militia on the entire Ukrainian nation. He therefore decreed that it was the sacred duty of every nationally conscious Ukrainian priest to save as many Jews as possible. Sheptytsky was a Zionist sympathizer and a firm believer in the messianic mission of the Jewish people. In 1942, when Jews were being butchered in the gas chambers of Auschwitz and Treblinka and slaughtered in the lime-filled pits on the outskirts of a thousand European towns and cities, Sheptytsky predicted the creation of an independent Jewish state in the Holy Land.” Pausing only to brush away tears of emotion from his steel-gray eyes, Chaplain Kahana recalled that before World War II Lvov was part of the Polish Republic. “I was the Jewish military chaplain attached to Lvov garrison troops,” he said, “rabbi of the Syxtus Street Synagogue and Jewish theology teacher in the city’s high schools. “After the German invasion of Poland, the Nazis tried to wipe out the 200,000 Jews of Lvov and the surrounding hamlets with the aid of pogrom mobs, drunken peasants, and locally recruited militia. But when the Nazis saw that there was more looting than actual killing, and that criminal elements were fighting each other over the spoils rather than murdering Jews, the Nazis brought in the notorious Sinsatz-Komando Lemberg and got down to business with Teutonic thorOughness. Slave-labor roundups, street massacres, and mass executions followed with agonizing frequency. “Helpless against the tidal wave of murder and destruction, we sought to save our Torah scrolls, synagogue records, and various sacred books. The only safe place was in the crypts of Catholic monasteries and churches. Together with Rabbi Hamaydess, a famous leader of Polish Jewry, I went to see Dr. Kostelnik and asked for an introduction to Metropolitan Sheptytsky. We had already been herded into a ghetto, forced to wear yellow badges, and forbidden to enter the city proper on pain of death. Rabbi Hamaydess could not pose as a Christian, but I shaved off my beard, tore off my yellow badges, and stole out at night to see the metropolitan in his palace on Mount St. George. “In the old-fashioned, high-ceilinged room that was the metropolitan’s office, I saw him pushed in, in his wheelchair. Grasping my hand in his two hands and gazing at me kindly, he said gently: “I see trouble brings you to me, my son. Please sit down and tell me about it.” “When I described the sufferings of my people, he broke down and cried. ‘I know all about it,” he told me quietly, and I have sent several letters to all priests, with orders to have them read to their congregations in all churches. I have warned my people that any person helping the Nazis to persecute or kill Jews will be doomed to eternal damnation. “‘But I am sorry to say there is little more I can do than protest. I have also sent notes to all German officials of the occupation administration and to Himmler himself, protesting against the use of Ukrainian troops in anti-Jewish actions. These young Ukrainians volunteered to fight Communists, but instead of deploying them at the front, the Nazis are forcing them to participate in massacres of helpless Jews. The answer I received was an insulting warning to mind my own business and that but for my age I would have been shot for interceding on behalf of the Jews. My son, I can only pray for you and your people, and hope that prayer helps. Tell me how I can help, besides praying, and I’ll do everything in my power * * *’ “I asked the metropolitan to save the Torah scrolls from the synagogues and the children whose parents have been killed by the Nazis, and who were due to die themselves in the next German roundup. The metropolitan called in his brother, Clement, who was in charge of all Ukrainian Catholic monasteries, and the Ihumenia Josepha, the head of all convents. Both declared themselves ready to help. But since the Nazis were raiding Christian orphanages and ordering all boys to parade naked to see whether any of them were circumcised, I was asked to select mostly Jewish girls for the first rescue operation. “The first rescue operation took place on the night of August 14, 1942, when 200 Jewish children, including the sons of Rabbis Hamaydess and Levin and my own daughter, were smuggled out of the ghetto to monasteries and convents where they were concealed in crypts and given forged certificates of baptism and Ukrainian-sounding names. Then they were dispersed among convent schools and Catholic orphanages in and around Lvov. All of them survived the Nazi occupation and that was because the priests, nuns and monks risked torture and death as they played a deadly game of outwitting Nazi spies, collaborators and stool pigeons. The greatest satisfaction of my life was to gather these Jewish children after the war and to smuggle them out of Soviet Russia to Israel via an underground Zionist railroad and then to watch them grow up in a land of their own, serve in the armed forces, get married, raise families and forget their tragic past. “After hiding my daughter safely, the Ihumenia Josepha asked me to bring my wife to the convent. The mother superior took my wife to the priest in charge of administration registers who provided her with forged documents identifying her as a native-born Ukrainian Catholic. He also furnished her with a false birth certificate, threw a nun’s homespun brown robe around her shoulders and escorted her to the German Population Registry Office. There my wise received a Ukrainian identity card, stamped by the German Occupation Administration, food ration tickets, a domicile permit, and all other essential documents. “Thanks to the mother superior and the priest, whose name I never learned, my wife was able to pose as a Ukrainian nun and to move freely about the city. She was my principal contact between the ghetto and the monasteries. When the ghetto was liquidated, she maintained a liaison between fugitive Jews and the Ukrainian church leadership. She slept in the Ihumenia Josepha’s own cell at the convent, went to church to avoid suspicion and thus avoided exposure and capture for 2 years. “When the Nazis liquidated the Lvov ghetto, I was among the Jewish men grabbed by the Nazis and thrown into the Janowski concentration camp. Each day thousands were killed by the Nazi guards while others were crippled and emaciated by hunger, beatings, and disease. During those terrible weeks in Janowski camp, I lost all faith in humanity and I might have lost my faith in God too, but for the shining example of Metropolitan Sheptytsky, his brother Clement, the Ihumenia Josepha and hundreds of nameless Ukrainian monks, priests, and nuns. “Desperately looking for a chance to escape before the Nazis killed me in one of their cruel and senselo games, my opportunity came during a sudden rainstorm that flooded the drainage ditches and turned the cam into a morass. While the guards huddled if,

their watchtowers, studded with searchlights and machineguns, and the police dogs took cover beneath the watchtower trestles, I crawled on my belly through mud and puddles to the northernmost corner in the fence. Earlier I had noticed that some ricocheting bullets fired by the guards into a group of Jewish prisoners had torn down a few strands of the barbed wire which the Germans had not yet repaired. “It took me an eternity to get through the gap in the first row of wire and to disentangle myself from the twisted concertina wire of the second security fence. Rolling in the mud to hide from a searchlight’s probing beam and burrowing through excrement and pools of coagulating blood to kill the scent of a human body whenever a dog barked, I managed to reach the dilapidated wooden buildings of a Lvov suburb. From there I ran uphill toward the metropolitan’s palace on Mount St. George. “When a sleepy monk finally opened a small barred window in response to my frantic knocking at the night gate, he took one look at me—ragged, dirty, emaciated, bleeding from wounds and scratches, and evil-smelling—crossed himself and shut the gate in my face. I knocked again but there was no answer. Just as I heard the jackbooted steps of a Nazi police patrol approaching, the gate suddenly opened and another monk dragged me inside. “Brother Mykola almost fainted when he saw you.’ the monk explained. ‘He was sure you were a ghostly apparition.’ “I must have been a repulsive sight as I followed the monk to the metropolitan’s private apartment. But the prelate of the Ukrainian Catholic Church embraced me and kissed me and then ordered his secretary to take me to a hot bath, burn my rags, and dress me in a monk’s robes. The metropolitan was still waiting for me, despite the late hour, when I came Out of the bath. He wept again, and asked me to tell him of my life in the Nazi camp. For 2 hours I

talked, until at dawn the metropolitan asked

me to join him in prayer. I helped him out of his wheelchair and supported him as he knelt before the crucifix. He prayed in his way and I in mine. “I remained hidden in Count Sheptytsky’s private library. Food was brought to me there. Only at night did I go out for a walk in the walled palace garden. In the spring of 1943, the metropolitan was taken down in his wheelchair to the garden every day at dusk. He sent away the monk who was his guide and I pushed the chair for an hour through the flower-rimmed garden paths as we talked about politics, philosophy, psychology, and theology. Needless to say, the metropolitan never tried to convert me. Once he gave me an old book to read. It was a Ukrainian priest’s account of a visit to the Holy Land which ended with a description of Jewish suffering throughout the ages and a prediction that the Jews were doomed to weep forever because they had rejected Jesus. “When the metropolitan inquired if I had finished the book and I replied in the affirmative, he suddenly seized my hand, kissed it and, in a voice choked with tears, apologized. Everybody kissed the metropolitan’s hand, and he himself had to kiss only the Pope’s hand, so I could not understand why he was apologizing so tearfully to a fugitive rabbi. The metropolitan said that at a time when the Nazis were butchering Jews, it was a tactless mistake on his part to let me read a book whose author denied the Jewish people all hope unless they accepted Christianity. He insisted that I accept his apology. “When I tell you that Andrew Sheptytsky was a saint, I do not exaggerate. I am a professional officer, with 20 years of military service—5 in the Polish Army and 15 in the Israeli Armed Forces. I am an Orthodox rabbi and a doctor of philosophy and theology. I know human nature and I know that

the qualities which make a saint are so rare as to be almost nonexistent. But Count Sheptytsky possessed them all. “Besides the count’s brother Clement, the Ihumenia Josepha and the hundreds of Ukrainian clergy who risked their lives to save Jews, there was Father Marko, a village priest who rescued more than 40 Jewish children from Nazi firing squads. Later, I had an opportunity to help him escape to the United States, where he now lives. “After World War II, following Count Sheptytsky’s death and the suppression of an anti-Soviet uprising by Ukrainian guerrillas, the Soviet authorities imprisoned, exiled or executed most of the Ukrainian priests. I was then a colonel in the Polish Army and also associated with an underground Zionist organization which operated an escape route from Russia across Poland and Czechoslovakia to the American occupation zones in Germany and Austria. “To avoid certain death, the Ukrainian priests who had helped me masquerade as a Ukrainian, now had to pose as pious Jews with beards and sidelocks. After crossing the River San into Poland, they made their way to Warsaw where they contacted me. Now I was able to repay their kindness. I lived next door to Wladyslaw Gomulka, now the Communist boss of Poland, and our apartment block was guarded by security police but no one suspected my links to an underground Zionist organization. When elderly, pious-looking Jews were seen entering my apartment, the security officers assumed that leaders of surviving Jewish congregations had come to ask me for assistance or to discuss religious problems. “I gave the priests false Jewish identification cards and smuggled them out of Poland with transports of Israel-bound Jews. When the transports passed through Western Germany, the priests were guided to Ukrainian DP camps where they received new documents and visas for the United States and Canada. I compiled a list of over 240 such priests and monks who had rescued Jews from the Nazis. But this list is not complete. And now the Russians come up with documentary proof that the Ukrainian Catholic Church was a pro-Nazi organization and that the late Metropolitan Sheptytsky was a war criminal. “The scientific triumphs of the Soviets are more than nullified by their basic attitude of deceit, contempt for human decencies and crimes of genocide committed in the name of communism. In this respect, at least, the Kremlin is ruled by the same kind of gangster regime which brought shame and ruin to Nazi Germany. That is why I felt it my duty to speak up and tell the truth about Count Andrew Sheptytsky, the only saint I recognize.” As Colonel Kahana accompanied me to the headquarters gate on my way out of his office, supersonic Israeli jet fighters streaked across the sky. Rabbi Kahana pointed upward and said: “You see this fighter formation? Four pilots in this squadron are among the Jewish children saved by Metropolitan Sheptytsky and his heroic assistants.”

Balinese Boy Toys

Keep in mind that there are white women who do dig Asian men as they did before. I actually think sex tourism in Bali as well as reports of Russian women marrying Chinese men (as well as Chinese men leaving illegitimate children in Kenya, Ghana and Uganda) may give a better idea of the previously sexualised Asian man in the American imagination. Something like that there used to be a high Asian male-white female intermarriage rate in America and Sessue Hayakawa used to be considered a sex symbol.

Admittedly Balinese sex tourism isn’t any better either but it does make you wonder if it’s possible for white women to be this sexually attracted to Asian men. Some Russian women do the same with Chinese men, especially when considering them to be more romantic than their fellow Russian men. The fact that Indonesia’s one of those Asian countries where female sex tourists visit and that Chinese men not only sired illegitimate children in Uganda, Ghana and Kenya but also married Russian and Ukrainian women suggest that this is possible.

Again not any better but it is possible.

(Un)Desirability

Keep in mind that at some point in American history (at the very least), it wasn’t uncommon for Asian men to marry white women (it was actually common practise before) along with sexualised Asian male leads (most notably Sessue Hayakawa) and interestingly, the same can be said of Ashkenazi Jews in Nazi Germany (especially whenever they’re portrayed as preying on Gentile women). That too wasn’t any better before however to better get the sentiment as it was, there is a growing number of non-Chinese women (Ugandan, Russian and Ukrainian) marrying Chinese men and Western women being infatuated with Balinese men.

As well as female fans of K-Pop and J-Pop, especially outside of Asia. I suspect at least in America it’s not known how and when did Asian men start getting emasculated. Whilst the lusty, sexualised Asian man cliche still thrives in Bali (and to some extent, Uganda), I also suspect it’s partly got to do with something like WWII making it easy for American soldiers to exoticise Asian women a lot more. Even if that may’ve existed before and conversely speaking, at least in some cases Thai women were actually historically considered masculine and ugly.

Especially when much of Thailand was still highly agricultural whilst the West was increasingly industrialised that in contrast to dainty, proper white women Thai women at the time seemed repulsively androgynous. It took some decades to have this changed with Thai women being increasingly pedestalised at the expense of white women. This too likely was similar for Asian men being made undesirable never mind the desirable Asian man cliche lives on with Russian women marrying Chinese men and Australian women lusting after Balinese men.

White women who like Asian men

Admittedly I’m not so into some Korean people but then again attractive ones do exist and there’s one Russian photographer who had one photographed before and that there are reports of Russian and Ukrainian women marrying Chinese men (and finding them more romantic than their Russian/Ukrainian counterparts) and Australian (and Japanese) women having sex with Balinese escorts, then there’s a chance that there are some white women who do find them attractive.

There’s even a time when this was commonly found in America before and Hollywood’s first male sex symbol was a Japanese man. Similar sentiments towards Asian men can be found not only among international K-Pop fans (and Filipino drama fandoms in Africa) but also in Russia, Ukraine and to a lesser extent, Australia. Race fetishism’s bad anyways but when you’ve got Russian women being successfully married to Chinese men (and finding them romantic) as well as Australian women dating Balinese men then there are white women who do find them attractive.

Just like before in America.

The dark future

I have a feeling if/when much of Africa gets really rich (I think much of Sub-Saharan and Maghrebi Africa will catch up real quickly), there could be much less unemployment. But I also think whilst sex tourism in Africa would technically and thankfully decline, it could continue in much of Europe. In the sense that whilst Africa modernises real quickly, Europe reverts to a version of feudalism.

In the sense that whilst many more rich women anticipate arranged marriages, some poorer women do sex work. There are some European countries that legalise prostitution (though others actively ban it like Iceland). If my predictions are to be believed and since Chinese men are increasingly dating/marrying Ukrainian and Russian women, we could see more non-white men doing sex tourism in Europe in some way.

(Though sex with robots and virtual reality would be far more popular.)

Italy, of all the European countries, would easily become every conservative and Christian’s worst nightmare to the point where it even shocks many native Italians right down to the legalisation of prostitution for queers or something. Next to Germany, Italy would lead the way for legal prostitution especially for poorer women and that’s going downhill really.

Razib Khan and hair and eye colour percentages

I think part of Razib Khan’s own suspicions, though I could be projecting, might owe to his non-Western background and why he seems to favour the brown-eyed woman thing more. But in the sense that Western beauty ideals are pretty much and nonsensical elsewhere. I think I remember one survey in the late 2000s or early 2010s conducted on Japanese men and it said that most Japanese men seemed to favour black hair more than (dyed) blond hair.

It’s not that blond/lighter hair in general’s unattractive, it’s just not going to have the same girl next door appeal black hair and relatively lighter skin does. (Made worse by stigma over albinism, famine, delinquents bleaching their hair and Westerners so blond hair’s going to be othered in ways they’ll never be in the West.) Attractive but also oddly unapproachable even if it goes against their personalities.

In one study he linked, it seemed the percentage of light brown/dark blond hair’s almost about equal between the sexes among Icelanders and Dutch though in the Dutch group the percentage of blond hair among women’s lower whilst the Iceland replication group’s higher. Interestingly, the percentage of dark brown hair’s higher among women too (he also noted it in a study on Finnish individuals).

The studies where it states that women are likelier to have blond hair actually come from Britain, via the British Biobank so this might not be true for other populations and I’m not surprised if a future study comes up and agress with what (and Mr Khan) are saying should it be conducted anywhere else in Europe and Eurasia.

Russia’s somewhat trickier in that it’s got a large population from a country with an even larger land area so there’s a high chance that populations would be highly localised. So certain populations might have their own genetics, including what causes blond or red hair (whether if it’s KITLG, a form of albinism or MC1R).

Not to mention if Icelanders were believed and confirmed to be descended from Britons, it’s unsurprisingly that they would be genetically closer and also closer in hair colour distribution whereas Germans, French, Lowlanders, Swiss, Austrians and Northern Italians would cluster together (as with Finns, Samis, Norwegians, Danes and Swedes). But then again Icelanders are also descended from peninsular Scandinavians so they should represent an intermediate population.

(Logically, Russians, Poles and Ukrainians might be intermediate between Turks, Indians, Armenians and most Europeans proper. Unsurprisingly, Russia borders the rest of Central Asia.)

So the hair colour percentages per sex in France, Germany, Austria, Switzerland and Northern Italy should parallel their Lowland counterparts and logically Swedes to their Finnish and Sami counterparts. Icelanders would parallel Britons with Russia between very much between Finland and Armenia.

20th century demonology

Keep in mind belief in witchcraft still exists here in the Philippines to some extent, especially in rural parts of Visayas and Mindanao. It certainly was more prevalent back then, enough to warrant a book length study called Cebuano Sorcery. The study took place in the 1960s which centered on aswang but defined here as a kind of witch. The aswang’s capable of turning into a cat or dog, in which such creatures got into trouble by stoning them.

The aswang also had a familiar called a sigbin. Keep in mind there are likely other studies on the same beliefs in the Philippines as well as comparable ones elsewhere like in Ghana and the Soviet Union. There’s actually a series of books called Folk Demonology in Polesia which records accounts and beliefs dating back to the last two decades of the 20th century (the Soviet Union’s final years).

Again in that area (bordering Poland, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia), people also had similar feelings about cats and dogs being witch guises. There were also similar beliefs in Russia too but it’s strange that such beliefs manage to persist largely unchanged went onto the Soviet years.

(Elena Pavlova or something mentioned that old maids were stereotyped as being obsessed with dogs but she could be from another generation as times have changed in Russia.)

Basta, such beliefs can survive largely unchanged in certain areas especially if they’re sufficiently isolated.